This
article deals with the origin and development of the Patua
community, in particular its uniqueness of social and cultural
identity on which their social structure is based. The uniqueness of
their social and cultural constructions also determines the Patua’s
social position in a stratified, rural society.
Antiquity of Patachitra and Patua
Before
delving into the development of patachitra,
I
will explain what is definitive about the lives and work of patuas,
past
and present, to provide the groundwork for the complex history of
their art. Before British colonialism, before Islamic invasion, there
were practicing patuas
in
the villages of West Bengal. This article covers the last one hundred
and eighty years in which scholars and politicians, both Indian and
foreign, have written and discussed Indian folk art. But before them,
the practice of the patuas,
as far as scholars know, had remained relatively unchanged for
centuries. Patuas
traditionally
worked by traveling from village to village with paintings of epic
stories done on scrolls. In each village, they would sing songs
narrating the stories on the canvas while unfurling their work at the
same time, creating a dynamic oral tradition enhanced by visual art.
The majority of their subjects were religious in nature and both
Hindu and Muslim tales were depicted, the most famous being parts of
the Ramayana and the lives of popular Islamic saints. Their objective
was not to sell their artwork. Instead they made their living from
donations for their performances, often making appearances at local
fairs where people came from many villages, increasing their audience
base. Often a family or individual singer had a single pat
which
they would perform. Though the stories that were painted were
repeated from artist to artist, each singer wrote their own melody to
create a signature style. The two religions depicted in their work
expressed themselves in the lives and culture of the patuas
as
well. A recent anthropological case study on the self-identification
of patuas
found
that many of them identify as Muslim, though when asked about their
religious practice, they professed to celebrate an equal number of
Muslim and Hindu religious holidays. This dual identity is not
uncommon in West Bengal where as early as the 12th century, rural
people were influenced by the influx of Muslim invaders from the
West. For patuas
this
means that while they identify as Muslim many of them have the last
name Chitrakar, identifying them historically with the caste of folk
painters, a move that some scholars think may have been socioeconomic
in nature, to gain more respect in the Hindu community. Though much
of a patuas
work
depends on regional and personal preference, similarities of style
and subject matter have and do exist throughout the patua
community.
First of all, there are two main types of pats:
jadano
or
scroll pats,
which can be painted horizontally or vertically, and chouko
pats which
are generally single square panels with an individual scene or deity
depicted on them. Patachitra
is
distinguishable by the sinuous and bold black outlines of major
figures then filled in with bright colours with ornamentation and
details done in black or white paint. This combination creates a two
dimensional effect with the figures pressed up against the picture
plane. Traditionally, all of the patuas
paints
were handmade from naturally occurring sources such as indigo,
turmeric and other plants, and many rural patuas
continue
to make their own paints to this day. Some of the earliest pats
were
painted on palm leaves, though pre-19th century patuas
also
produced their own scrolls in a process connecting strips of paper
end to end to achieve the length of the scroll necessary, taking up
to a week to finish. Today the majority of patuas
come
from the districts of Medinipur and Birbhum in West Bengal, though
historically there were also patua
villages
in Bankura, Howrah, Murshidabad and Bardhaman districts. Slight
differences in style exist from district to district and it is also
easy to tell the hand of one painter from another when pats
are
compared side by side. Because traditionally pats
were
not sold, to this day many of them are not signed, and the identity
of the artist is recognizable only by their style. In this way,
patachitra
is
a primary example of folk art that has as much to do with the
individual talent and vision of the artist as it does with the
tradition that it honors. We need to understand that patachitra
is
both the living work of modern day artists and also a way of serving
a historical precedent. The evolution of the form and the fight to
keep it alive throughout time are ways of sustaining the livelihood
of individual artists and also the culture of their community.
Mythological
origin
The
origin of these patuas
is shrouded in mystery. In the Brahmavaivarta
Purana,
which was written in the middle of the 13th century A.D.,
their origin has been explained thus:
The
patuas
are one of the children of Viswakarma, the Lord of
Creative Art. They belong to the Nabasakha group, who are
all children of Viswakarma and Ghritachi, the spouse of
Viswakarma. In the Nabasakha group, the other artisans are
Malakaras, (engaged in shola craft) Sutradhararas, (carpenters)
Swarnakaras, (goldsmiths) Karmakaras, (blacksmiths) Kumbhakaras,
(sculptors and potters) Sankhakaras, ( those who work on
shells including conch shells) Kangsakaras (those working on
metals) and Tantubayas (weavers). The Chitrakaras (patuas) form
the youngest of the lot. Thus, their origin relates to the
union of Viswakarma and the Apsara woman, Ghritachi. It is
said that all the nine children of Viswakarma were cursed
by Lord Brahma that they would be eternally involved in
manual labour. Later on, all the eight children could purify
themselves except the Chitrakaras. Viswakarma was the God of
the Dravidian community and was an enemy of the Vedic God,
Indra. Thus, the patuas belong to the Asura group and have
an Austro-Asiatic origin (Mc’Coutchin and Bhowmik, 1999).
Research
has revealed that the Dravidians were far more advanced in
art, architecture and sculpture than the Aryans. In the
Vedic society, there was a lack of artisans and nothing has
been mentioned about art and architecture or about the life
of the artisans in Vedic literature. The artisans had
existed much before the new society was born. Hence, in the
absence of creative artisans, the Vedic society had to
accept Viswakarma as the Lord of Creative Art (Dey, 2008).
The
patuas
of West Bengal have never enjoyed a respectable position in
the society. They were neither accepted by the Hindus nor
by the Muslims. The story goes that Lord Shiva had
forbidden the patuas to draw His portrait. But one of the
patuas disobeyed Him and as he was drawing a portrait of
Lord Shiva, the Lord chanced to pass by. The artist
immediately removed the painting brush and put it into his
mouth. As a result he was cursed by Lord Shiva for making
the brush polluted. So naturally, the Hindus have a grudge against
this community. They were also cursed by the Brahmins for
drawing untraditionally, for instead of following the ideals
of Devkul, they worked on folk ideals. In this way, they
have been made outcastes by the entire Hindu society. The
Muslims also refuse to accept them because while embracing
Islam, they draw portraits of Hindu gods and goddesses. The
outcome is that the Chitrakaras are neither Hindus nor
Muslims, but follow the rituals of both religions. The patuas
of Medinipur (East and West) read the Namaz. The married women use
vermillion. But they marry within their own Muslim community
and the wedding rituals are conducted by the Kazi, according
to Muslim rites. However, many patuas
declare themselves to be Hindus and adopt Hindu names such
as Chitrakara and Pal.
Sri
Lakshmi K. Pal (Bhattacharya, 1972) expresses another opinion. He
says that there were certain things in the dye (colour used
for painting) which were not touchable by the Hindus. It
is for this reason that they were made outcastes by the
Hindu society. To save themselves from prosecution, the
patuas
have converted themselves time and again. Whenever a
particular religion came into prominence, they adopted that
religion. According to some, they took up Buddhism when this
religion was dominant in India and identified themselves as
Buddhists, but continued to suffer from identity crisis.
Initially,
the patuas were not Chitrakaras by profession. Later, they merged
with the Chitrakaras (Mc’Coutchin and Bhowmik, 1999). Actually,
when the positive impact of the Brahmanical religion became
strong in Bengal, the patuas
got themselves named ‘Chitrakaras’ in an epiphytical way.
This was possible because their occupation was similar and
they could identify their taxonomic position with that of
the Chitrakaras. But the Hindu society was adamant. It did not
accept this move and since there was no distinction between
the Chitrakaras and the patuas now, the entire Chitrakara
community was declared corrupt.
Most
probably, the patuas were originally Hindus. When they were
degraded by the Hindu society, they converted themselves into
another religious community. In the Islamic period, the
Murshidabad patuas
became Muslims and they have remained so ever since
(Choudhury, 2004).
Some
scholars are of the opinion that the patuas of Bengal
migrated to this place from the Mal Paharia region. But
another group has dismissed this probability. This group of
scholars say that the patuas
have an Austric stock and became Aryanised Hindus after
Aryanisation. Again when Buddhism flourished, they became
Buddhists and this practice spread out to Java, Bali, Malaya
and Tibet. Again, during the Islamic period, they embraced Islam.
In
the first half of the 20th century, when riots broke out
in the Bengal, the patuas, who had become Muslims by then,
were scroll painters singing patuasangeet and showing their
scrolls to the audience, moving from one house to another
in the villages of Bengal. Since these were Hindu
households, the patuas found this occupation risky at that
time. It became essential that they stick to one religion –
either Hinduism or Islam. For all practical purposes, they
decided to side with the majority. So a large number of
patuas in Bengal took up Hinduism at that time.
Owing
to this type of conversion time and again, the patuas now
belong to a society that is neither Muslim, nor Hindu, nor
tribal. Therefore it is quite natural that they suffer from
an identity crisis with regard to their religion. However,
it has been observed that the patuas
who belonged to the Santhal, Bhumij and Kheria classes,
enjoyed a more respectable position than the non-tribal
patuas.
That is why they claim to be of tribal origin.
The
common view is that the patuas are a subaltern community,
involved in low-caste activities. But this is a myth,
arising from the idiosyncracies of the Indian society.
Kaushik
Bhattacharya (2008) expresses the opinion that the patuas
belonged to the Sutradhara caste and were also stone carvers
by profession. Their occupation has some similarity with the
wood carvers and stone carvers. Hence, their transformation
from the Chitrakara to the Karigara. In fact, in the caste-based
society of India, all the nine sons of Viswakarma have
been declared as Sudras (Dey, 2008).
In
the first half of the 20th century, a large section of
the patuas of rural Bengal identified themselves with the
Hindu Chitrakaras. This is because since the patuas were
said to be involved in low-caste activities, their
identification with the Hindu Chitrakaras – a group of
rather respected artisans, offered them a role model, with
an honourable status (Bhattacharya, 1980). In the Census
Report of 1951, the patuas were finally recognised as
Chitrakaras (Hauser, 2002). Later on, this identity helped
them to improve their position as painters among their new
urban patrons, as the Chitrakaras were known as craftsmen or
‘shilpi.’
In
later years, the Hindu social reform organisations performed
large-scale conversions. Included among these organisations
were the Arya Samaj, the Hindu Mahasabha and the Bharat
Sevasram Sangha. The motive behind these conversions was manifold.
These organisations wished to re-convert apostates and
strengthen the Hindu majority. Another aim was to persuade
the low-status and Muslim communities to identify themselves
with the Hindus (Hauser, 2002). In fact, the patuas
themselves also showed eagerness for these conversions because
they wanted to get their religious rites and funeral
ceremonies performed by the Brahmin priests.
However,
conversions and purification movements could not improve the
plight of the patuas. They still suffer from acute economic
crisis and social degradation. They have failed to find an identity
of their own. The patuas
still have a peculiar lifestyle and form a community of
their own – a community based neither on caste nor on
religion nor on social hierarchy, but tied together by a
common profession.
Bede ‘Patua’: The Snake Charmers
A
section of Patua community identified them as Bede and practice snake
charming as a means of livelihood alongwith patachitra. Snake charmer
patua
is an ethnic group who practice snake charming traditionally which is
the practice of apparently hypnotizing a snake by simple playing an
instrument called ‘bin’. A typical performance may also include
handling the snakes or performing other seemingly dangerous acts, as
well as other street performance staples, like juggling and sleight
of hand. The practice is most common in India, though other Asian
nations such as Pakistan, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, Thailand and
Malaysia are also home to performers. Despite a sort of golden age in
20th century, snake charming is today in danger of dying out. This is
due to variety of factors, chief among them the recent enforcement of
a 1972 law in India banning ownership of serpents. Today only about
one million snake charmers remain in India (Wikipedia, 2010). A
recent study by the Wildlife Trust of India revealed that more than
40 percent of them have turned to alternative professions (Bose,
2003).
At
the outset, it is pertinent to first understand the cultural status
of the Bede community in order to fully appreciate their real meaning
and demography as well as their legal status. Culturally, Bede are
semi-nomadic and inter-religious, symbolising a mix of Hindu and
Muslim traditions, and are very close to the Sufi or mystic
tradition. Although they consider themselves as Sunni Muslims, they
also follow Hindu traditions. This is illustrated by the fact that
the Bede charm snake, which has a very significant and revered place
in Hindu tradition, is an integral part of the mythology associated
with the Hindu god, Lord Mahadeva (Shiva/Shankar). The Bedes have
excellent magical skills and also perform magic shows on streets by
using snakes as props in the show. They have also inherited knowledge
in traditional medicine and treatment for snake-bites. They form a
useful, symbiotic relationship with the other peoples around them,
but it is their traditional work as snake charmers which informs
their identity as far as outsiders to the sub-caste are concerned.
References:-
-
Bhattacharya, Benoy (1972)- “The Patuas - A Study of Islamisaiton.” Folklore, Volume – XIII, No. 10, October, 1972. Publisher: Indian Publication. 3, British Indian Street, Calcutta-700001.
-
Bhattacharya, Kaushik (2008)- “Patakatha” (in Bengali). Ajkaal (Bengali Daily), Kolkata, November 16, 2008.
-
Choudhury, Dulal (Editor) (1410 B.S.) (2004)- “Banglar Loksamaskritir Biswakosh” (in Bengali). Publisher : Academy of Folklore. P-162, Jadavpur University Co-operative Housing Complex, Kolkata-700094. 1410 B.S., 2004. Pages - 160-161; 370-374.
-
Dey, Harihar (2008)- “Shilpe Parampara” (in Bengali). Publisher : Harihar Dey, N.G. Art Studio, D.N. Sarkar Road, Barddhamaan-713101, 2008.
-
Hauser, Beatrix (2002)- “From Oral Tradition to Folk Art : Re-evaluating Bengali Scroll Paintings.” Asian Folklore Studies. Volume – 61, 2002. Pages – 105-122.
-
Mc’Coutchin, David and Bhowmik, Suhrid (1999)- “Patuas and Patua Art in Bengal.” Publisher : Firma K.L.M. Pvt. Ltd. 257, B.B. Ganguly Street, Calcutta-700012.
**********************************
Arindam
Ghosh
Consultant
Agriculture / INRM expert under MGNREGA - NRLM convergence CFT
project http://jslps.org/
JHARKHAND
STATE LIVELIHOOD PROMOTION SOCIETY
State
Rural Livelihood Mission, Rural Development Department, Govt. of
Jharkhand
E-mail-
arindamrohit.05@gmail.com
Photo:
Arindam Ghosh
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